Operation Epic Fury — Conclusion · Analytical Essay
The Obligation of Knowing
Every country that has deferred, accommodated and gone along to get along has been placing the sign in the window. The Epic Fury series is an argument for taking it down.
In January 2026 — six weeks before Operation Epic Fury launched — Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney stood at Davos and told the assembled leaders of the global economy something that almost no Western leader had been willing to say out loud.
He told them about a greengrocer.
The story comes from Václav Havel’s 1978 essay The Power of the Powerless. Every morning, a shopkeeper places a sign in his window: “Workers of the world, unite!” He does not believe it. No one believes it. But he places the sign anyway — to avoid trouble, to signal compliance, to get along. And because every shopkeeper on every street does the same, the system persists. Not through violence alone, but through the participation of ordinary people in rituals they privately know to be false.
Havel called this “living within a lie.” The system’s power comes not from its truth but from everyone’s willingness to perform as if it were true.
Carney’s application was pointed. For decades, countries like Canada had placed their own signs in the window — invoking the rules-based international order, praising its principles, participating in its rituals, while knowing privately that the order was “partially false.” That the strongest would exempt themselves when convenient. That international law applied with varying rigour depending on the identity of the accused. That the fiction was useful precisely because everyone agreed to maintain it.
“This bargain no longer works,” Carney said. “It is time for companies and countries to take their signs down.”
Six weeks later, the Iran strikes began.
What the Series Has Documented
This conclusion follows nine analytical briefs examining Operation Epic Fury — a fictional scenario, real frameworks — across every dimension of the conflict. The accumulated evidence is worth stating plainly.
The war broke out just as negotiations were making genuine progress. A deal was available. The people who started this feared the deal more than they feared the war. The financial beneficiaries of sustained confrontation have every structural incentive to ensure it is never cleanly resolved. The United States is simultaneously bombing Iran and economically sustaining Iran’s principal state backer. Two separate transactional relationships, nobody connecting them.
The IRGC parallel state — the actual locus of Iranian power — is intact and radicalising. The diaspora’s restoration fantasy has no base in the 70 million Iranians born after 1979. The AI targeting system is killing civilians faster than it is degrading military capability. A school killed 170 girls during Ramadan. The algorithm didn’t know it was wrong. The oversight that would have caught it was deliberately removed.
The JAG corps was sidelined. The officer corps that went through West Point and Annapolis learning that Duty, Honour, Country means duty to the Constitution above loyalty to an unlawful chain of command has fallen silent. The ethos of the officer corps is supposed to be immutable above politics. It is not performing as described.
The Palestinian people paid for a European crime. The Genocide Convention — written in response to the Holocaust — is being applied to examine the conduct of the state whose founding moral claim helped produce it. The two-state solution is dead. The settlement project continues. Every post-conflict architecture built without addressing the foundational grievance is built on the same unstable foundation that produced this moment.
China is the primary strategic beneficiary of an operation it did not initiate and bears no cost for. The post-American international order is being constructed in the diplomatic vacuum Washington is creating. The 2023 Saudi-Iran normalisation brokered by China is the template. The world is reorganising around a new centre of gravity not because any single actor planned it, but because the United States is systematically vacating the space.
The endgame has no theory of victory. Managed stalemate at 40% probability. The perpetual conflict generator running at lower intensity, profitable for the same actors, paid for by the same populations who always pay.
The Bargain Is Over
Carney named what the series has been documenting from a different angle: the rules-based international order was always partially false. The strongest exempted themselves when convenient. American hegemony provided genuine public goods — open sea lanes, a stable financial system, collective security — but it also required that everyone maintain the fiction that the rules applied equally. The signs in the windows.
The Gaza genocide is the most visible and documented instance of the fiction being finally untenable. The ICJ issued provisional measures orders. The ICC filed warrant applications. These are institutions the Holocaust produced. They are operating as intended. And the United States vetoed the Security Council resolutions that would have reinforced them, continued weapons transfers that the ICJ orders called into question, and provided the political cover that allowed the operation to continue.
Every country that has deferred to American pressure on Gaza — that has withheld recognition, softened its language, voted against resolutions, maintained military cooperation and arms sales — has been placing the sign in the window. Not because they believed it. But to avoid trouble. To signal compliance. To get along.
Operation Epic Fury is that bargain extended to its logical conclusion. If Gaza demonstrated that Palestinian lives do not register in the calculus — that the destruction of a civilian population with documented genocidal intent produces no meaningful international consequence — then the Iran operation is the regional demonstration that the demonstration worked. The permission structure was established. The operation followed.
What Carney Said and What It Requires
Carney’s Davos speech received a rare standing ovation. Bob Rae said he had never seen a global reaction to a speech like it. Alexander Stubb called it one of the best speeches heard at Davos. The Carnegie Endowment called it “uncharacteristically candid” — “the first time that the leader of a close US ally had the courage to stand up to Trump and say enough is enough.”
The speech deserves that praise. It also deserves honest examination of what it requires.
Carney named the problem with precision. “This is not sovereignty. It is the performance of sovereignty while accepting subordination.” He identified the mechanism — bilateral negotiation with a hegemon from a position of weakness, competing with each other for favour rather than combining to create a third path. He articulated the alternative: middle powers acting together, different coalitions for different issues, value-based realism, reducing the leverage that enables coercion.
What “living the truth” requires, in Carney’s framing: naming reality rather than invoking the rules-based order as though it still functions as advertised. Acting consistently — applying the same standards to allies and rivals. Building what we claim to believe in. Reducing the leverage that enables coercion.
Applied to the specific evidence of this series, that framework demands specifics.
On Iran: Stop pretending the war has a theory of victory it does not have. Name the Russia contradiction publicly — the US is bombing Iran while financing Iran’s principal backer, and every G7 partner that maintains silence about this is placing the sign in the window. Use the available leverage — Diego Garcia conditionality, base access, the shadow fleet — rather than performing solidarity while hoping the problem resolves itself.
The UK Akrotiri sequence has produced a specific consequence that has not been publicly discussed: Canada's NATO obligations. Akrotiri is British sovereign territory. Britain is a NATO member. If Britain invokes Article 5 over Akrotiri — which it has not done but has not ruled out — Canada's collective defence obligations are activated, through decisions made in Whitehall in January without parliamentary debate or apparent legal review. Canadian PM Carney said on 5 March he "could not categorically rule out" military participation. "We will stand by our allies." That answer depends entirely on whether Britain invokes Article 5 — which depends on whether British bases remain part of the operational architecture of the Iran strikes — which began with the January transit permissions. The self-assembled trap extends beyond the country that built it. Canada did not make those January decisions. It may be obligated by them regardless.
On Palestine: Stop invoking the two-state solution as if it were alive. Name the Gaza operation as what the ICC and ICJ legal processes are examining it to be. Apply the arms embargo obligations that flow from Genocide Convention membership. Recognise Palestinian statehood — 147 UN member states have; the holdouts know why they are holding out. The sign in the window has a specific name here, and it is the continued supply of weapons to a command chain that has ICC warrants pending against its leadership.
On the officer corps: The silence of the US military’s senior leadership in the face of documented IHL violations is a failure of professional identity. The ethos that West Point and Annapolis are supposed to produce — Duty, Honour, Country, in that order, with duty to the Constitution above loyalty to an unlawful chain of command — demands voice, not accommodation. The officers who know and are silent are placing the sign in the window. The Nuremberg defence is not available. It was taught to them as unavailable.
On institutions: The ICC warrants exist. The ICJ provisional measures orders exist. The accountability architecture is imperfect and incomplete. It does not expire. Every state that enforces those warrants, every state that restricts arms transfers in compliance with ICJ orders, every state that refuses to normalise the abnormal is removing a sign from a window. The cumulative effect is how the system changes.
The Middle Power Moment
Carney is right that middle powers have more agency than they have been exercising. He is right that bilateral negotiation with a hegemon from weakness produces subordination, not sovereignty. He is right that collective action across variable geometry coalitions is the architecture that changes the calculus.
He was also honest about the limitation that rarely gets named: “We knew the story of the international rules-based order was partially false.” The rules-based order that middle powers are being asked to defend was the order that looked away from Gaza for 57 years, that applied international law with varying rigour depending on the identity of the accused, that allowed the exemptions that made the current moment possible.
Nesrine Malik wrote in The Guardian that Carney had only acknowledged the rot “once the rot reached his own door.” That criticism is fair and should be absorbed rather than deflected. The obligation of knowing applies to the knowing that was always available, not only the knowing that became unavoidable.
The honest version of Carney’s Havel application includes this: the sign in the window was not only about deference to American power. It was also about the comfortable maintenance of a fiction that allowed middle powers to pursue values-based foreign policies in some domains while looking away in others. Taking the sign down means taking all the signs down.
Canada’s sign includes its arms export decisions, its voting record at the UN, its treatment of Palestinian refugees, its participation in the institutions and alliances that enabled the Gaza permission structure for the Iran operation. Taking it down requires consistency — the same standard applied to allies and rivals, as Carney said — not selective candour about American excess while maintaining selective silence about Israeli conduct.
The Obligation
The series began with a question about motivations and ends with an obligation.
The obligation is not heroic. It does not require anyone to sacrifice their career, their business relationship or their bilateral alliance. It requires the less dramatic and in some ways more demanding act of saying what is true — consistently, in public, at cost — rather than performing as if the falsehood were true.
It requires the German government to name the war crimes analysis and enforce its ICC obligations regardless of the relationship with Washington. It requires the Canadian government to make arms export decisions consistent with its ICJ obligations regardless of the relationship with Tel Aviv. It requires European governments to name Diego Garcia as leverage rather than performing deference to a US operational architecture they are materially enabling. It requires the officer who knows that the targeting architecture is producing IHL violations to say so through the channels the UCMJ provides, at professional risk, because the formation they received said that professional risk is the cost of the oath.
It requires, at the level of individual citizens in democracies that are enabling this, the recognition that moral agency exists on a spectrum. Joe the American is not Trump. Izzy in Montreal is not Netanyahu. They are not unconnected. The dollar and the gun that the dollar buys are not equivalent. They are not separate.
The Epic Fury series has been an analytical exercise in a fictional scenario. The frameworks are real. The legal standards are real. The historical patterns are real. The institutional mechanisms — the ICC, the ICJ, the War Powers Resolution, the Geneva Conventions, the Genocide Convention — are real. The people paying the cost are real.
The greengrocer’s sign is in the window. The series has been an argument for taking it down.
Carney said: “The power of legitimacy, integrity, and rules will remain strong — if we choose to wield it together.”
The word that matters is choose.
The endgame brief concluded: they are the endgame — not the generals, but the people who finally decide the cost is too high.
This is what that looks like. It looks like people who know what they know, saying what they know, doing what their formation said to do, refusing the performance of compliance with what they know to be false.
It is not complicated. It is not easy. It is the obligation of knowing.
Operation Epic Fury is a fictional analytical scenario. Nine briefs. One conclusion. The frameworks are real. The record is real. The obligation is real.
The complete series is at substack.joelmorin.com
Read the original format at substack.joelmorin.com/conclusion.html
Since this conclusion was written, Starmer exercised the Diego Garcia conditionality Brief 002 identified as the test of middle power leverage — withholding base access for the initial Iran strikes on IHL grounds. Trump's Chagos reversal followed within 24 hours. Starmer then reversed his own position on March 1 under Iranian retaliation pressure, approving limited base use for "defensive" operations. The greengrocer removed the sign. Then, under pressure, placed it back. The obligation of knowing includes the obligation to hold the position once you've taken it.